The cabbie
knew about poverty and politics in the Caribbean, and he
understood the lure of a better life in the United
States. When I told him I was working for Jesuit Refugee
Service on the Haitian border near the Dominican
Republic he remarked, ‘You know life is really tough
here for an immigrant as well. I work constantly–long
hours, long hours–my
life is not my own.’
The Jesuit community where I stayed was celebrating the
50th year since they’d set up Belen College Jesuit
high school in Miami. President Fidel Castro–a
former student there–had
closed down the college following the revolution. On my
tour of the college, one of the pre-revolution Jesuits
said the original school in Havana was even bigger. He
was proud of the new school, but his eyes evoked a sense
of nostalgia as he showed me the photo of the original
school, which covered an entire foyer wall.
The well-equipped and prosperous new school boasts a
‘who’s who’ list of wealthy exiled Cuban
benefactors. It has state of the art facilities,
including a meteorology lab that provides hurricane
warnings to the local media and city council. Following
the tradition of the old Havana college, they have
re-created the student barber shop. As a reminder of the
old days, sitting on a side bench was a glass display
cabinet protecting a blade and scissors allegedly used
to snip Castro’s locks.
Soon-to-be ordained Jesuit deacon Frank, whom I’d met
in the Dominican Republic, offered to show me some of
the sites of Miami. Frank was born in the United States
to Cuban parents. While passing though some lush, leafy
and well-off streets of Miami, he commented, ‘I tell
people in Cuba and the Dominican Republic that these
(nice streets) are the result of socialism! It’s all
organised and controlled by the local government. In
this area you can’t park commercial vehicles and
trucks near your home–that’s
to keep things looking tidy.’
He mentioned that the problem with Cuban socialism was
Freudian. Although Castro had been Jesuit-educated, he
had a difficult upbringing and bad relationship with his
father which he was still bitter about.
We headed into downtown Miami to visit the Jesuit parish
of Gesu where Frank was to serve as Deacon at the Sunday
Mass. The activity in central Miami is impressive–there
is a building boom. Cranes and building sites are
everywhere. On the church’s front steps was a
Haitian-looking man slumped against the door asleep, his
tin of coins dangling from his hand ready to drop. At
the back of the church as I waited for Mass to begin I
noticed a railed-off section with statues of patron
saints from all over Latin America. Each had their
identifying name plate and national flags, with hand
written petitions left by devotees, as well as cash
notes, coins and candles. There were several devotees
softly mouthing prayers and lighting candles. During the
Mass a woman proclaimed the readings -from her
accent I knew she was probably Haitian. Frank introduced
me to her after Mass. She was caught by surprise when I
started speaking in Creole. Her young daughter
commented, ‘Oh, I thought he was a white man.’
After Mass I glanced at the front page of the Miami
Herald which had an article asserting that Castro
was becoming more popular, due to the rise of leftist
governments in the region. It made particular mention of
newly-elected Haitian President Rene Preval’s visit to
Cuba. Preval is an ally and former government colleague
of Jean Bertrand Aristide.
The ploy to divide the world into left and right, the
so-called threat of communism, is still being used to
manipulate, control and demonise any country or leader
who aspires to help the have-nots and challenge the
‘new world order.’ The threat of ‘reds under the
bed’ was the same ploy the United States and France
used to polarise Haiti and rid it of Aristide,
stigmatising him and thereby justifying his exile, even
though he was popularly elected. Not only did he have a
much-needed social reform agenda that threatened the
oligarchy of Haiti’s wealthy elite, he also happened
to be a meddling priest.
In Haiti people are fond of using proverbs, and
there’s a particular one that aptly describes the
situation of people in the dusty border town of
Ouanaminthe where I worked -'Woch nan dlo pa konn
doule woch nan soley’ -which is a Haitian creole
expression meaning ‘The rock in the water doesn’t
know the suffering of the rock in the sun.’
Haitian proverbs have the annoying knack of forcing us
to confront things we don’t like to admit. In an
egalitarian society like Australia we like to think life
deals the same fate for us all -that we are all
battlers, and that through sweat and willpower we can
all overcome tough beginnings to eventually live a
reasonable life. But through my work with Jesuit Refugee
Service in this impoverished town on the remote northern
border, I see that this is not the reality -that
the new world order does not deal us all a level playing
field. The rock in the sun cannot get ahead like the
rock in the water.
Whether you’re the rock suffering in the sun or
whether you're cooling off in the water depends on where
you were born, what passport you hold, what education
you have, whether you speak French, whether your parents
are peasants or well-off, whether your parents are
married or if you have a birth certificate. Chance can
deal a very cruel or kind hand in Haiti.
Living conditions in Ouanaminthe, a ‘town’ of around
100,000 inhabitants amount to an undeclared war on the
poor. There’s a lack of services, jobs, water, health,
schooling, toilets, electricity, phones, garbage
collection, legal system, and an unemployment rate of
around 70 per cent. This makes Ouanaminthe a gathering
place for human traffickers, smugglers and corrupt
authorities ready to profit from people desperate to
leave for the Dominican Republic.
Spend some time in Haiti and it becomes apparent what
English author Graham Greene meant in The Comedians
when he wrote of Haiti, ‘Violent deaths are natural
here. He died of his environment.’
Part of my work with Jesuit Refugee Service involved
giving communications workshops to members of a
community organisation monitoring human rights abuses
along the border. I started one seminar by talking about
the concept of ‘objectivity’ in the context of
reporting an incident or event. The idea that a
journalist is ethically obliged to provide a balanced
report, from as many perspectives as possible, caused
laughter among workshop participants when we started to
apply it to the mainstream media. It was humorous for
them to think that a national newspaper would give a
poor peasant’s perspective on any given issue, even
though this population represents the overwhelming
majority of Haitians.
Many politicians and thinkers attack any attempt to
reflect what we Jesuits refer to as ‘the preferential
option for the poor’, claiming that it’s not
objective, it’s immature, it’s naïve. Many claim
that former president Jean Bertrand Aristide was
forcibly and illegally removed from office; he has been
internationally defamed and vilified. Yet what is more
important: representing the interests of a small elite,
or the overwhelming poor majority, as Aristide sought to
do? Aristide is a controversial figure, but many in
Haiti still believe strongly in his message.
Christianity challenges us to be objective, to look at
reality, to reflect on it, and to do something about it.
In Haiti, hardship and suffering create desperation to
migrate, even when it means suffering the deplorable
living conditions of the Dominican labour camps. And
these conditions are the result of politics and
business, both national and international that leads to
poverty, illness, violence, crime, corruption and
premature death. Advocacy work in poor countries such as
Haiti is really a struggle to provide dignity, and not
dignity in an abstract moral sense, or mere spiritual
solidarity, but a quest for tolerable living conditions.
There’s a popular Haitian gospel song that’s been
ringing in my ears since I’ve arrived back in
Australia. I used to hear it on the radio in Haiti
almost every day. It goes, ‘Why all these things? Why
this division? Why these politics? Why can’t we
sit...eat…and pray together?’
It’s a simple but powerful mantra. Surprisingly,
it’s not a mournful tune. You could get up and dance
to it! It’s a song that reflects the Haitian attitude
to life -aware of the hardships faced everyday, but
hopeful, cheerful and getting on with life. It’s a
song our world needs to listen to as we stop to ask the
tough questions, even as we’re bopping and grooving
along in our daily lives.
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Kent Rosenthal