| Back
in 1995 it would
have seemed like
meeting just
another group of
left-wing
academics in
liberal Chicago.
Barack Obama, then
about to be an
Illinois state
senator, was taken
to an activists'
gathering at the
house of William
Ayers and
Bernardine Dohrn.
So far, so
innocuous. Except
now Obama is
running for
president and
Ayers and Dohrn -
both Illinois
professors - were
once members of
the Weather
Underground, a
radical Sixties
group that planted
bombs across
America.
Thus the
long-forgotten
meeting resurfaced
late last week in
a detailed news
story on the
respected politics
website Politico
under the blaring
headline: 'Obama
once visited 60s
terrorists.'
For a candidate
long used to an
overwhelmingly
positive press, it
was a jarring
headline. But with
Obama's new status
as the Democrats'
clear frontrunner,
a media backlash
is now showing
clear signs of
gathering pace.
The Politico
story was not
alone last week.
In the New York
Times, two
influential
columnists weighed
in with brutal
attacks against
Obama. David
Brooks called him
a 'trophy messiah'
and Paul Krugman
claimed Obama's
campaign was
'...dangerously
close to becoming
a cult of
personality'.
Meanwhile, in the
Boston Globe,
Obama supporter
Margery Eagan
expressed her own
doubts about her
pick. 'I'm nervous
because John
McCain says Obama
is an
"eloquent but
empty call for
change" and
in the wee, wee
hours a nagging
voice whispers:
"Suppose
McCain's right,'
Eagan wrote.
Nor was it
confined to print.
On television,
ABC's respected
Nightline show ran
a segment on
Obama's often
wildly
enthusiastic
supporters and
compared 'Obama-mania'
to the Beatlemania
of the Sixties.
Anchor Terry Moran
asked: 'Is this a
political movement
or a personality
cult?' On cable
channel MSNBC, a
hapless Obama
backer, Texan
state senator Kirk
Watson, was
harangued by host
Chris Matthews to
'name any' of
Obama's
legislative
achievements. When
Watson failed, the
clip became a huge
Youtube hit.
Many observers
say that a
backlash against
Obama was
inevitable after
11 straight wins
against his rival,
Senator Hillary
Clinton, had sent
the former First
Lady's campaign
into a desperate
tailspin. 'We are
going to see this
backlash. The
press has been
enthralled by
Obama, but I have
no doubt that is
going to change,'
said Professor
Jack Lule, a
communications
expert at Lehigh
University,
Pennsylvania.
Obama's
relationship with
the press has been
almost entirely
positive so far.
Paradoxically,
this comes despite
his campaign team
adopting a distant
approach to many
reporters assigned
to cover him.
Unlike Clinton,
who now makes a
point of
personally
chatting to the
media following
her, Obama is kept
at arm's length
from reporters.
But that has
not prevented a
slew of positive
coverage. 'He is a
unique candidate.
He is a path
breaker. That
makes it harder
for reporters to
treat him like a
normal candidate,'
said Professor
Cary Covington, a
political
scientist at the
University of
Iowa.
That phenomenon
has undoubtedly
exasperated the
Clinton camp, who
frequently
complain that
Obama's record has
not been examined
in the same detail
as her own by the
press pack. Yet
that is now likely
to change.
Though Obama
holds only a
narrow lead in the
number of
delegates needed
to win the
nomination, all
the political
momentum is with
him. Clinton has
to look back all
the way to Super
Tuesday for her
most recent
victory. Nor has
she even come
close since then:
Obama's recent
wins have all been
routs. For the
first time
Clinton's key
staff are using
the F-word -
frontrunner - to
describe their
opponent. But at
the same time they
are hoping that
will finally lead
to intense media
pressure on Obama
that could yet
unseat him. 'Mr
Obama is the
frontrunner. There
will be increased
scrutiny on him
and his
qualifications to
be president,'
said top Clinton
strategist Howard
Ickes.
That scrutiny
will lead to more
stories like that
of Obama's meeting
with the former
Weather
Underground
militants. It will
also lead to a
willingness to
pounce on any
perceived mistakes
from the Obama
camp. Thus last
week Obama's wife,
Michelle, faced
criticism after
she appeared less
than patriotic at
a campaign rally
in Wisconsin. 'For
the first time in
my adult lifetime,
I am really proud
of my country,'
she said. The
remark was seized
on as
anti-American by
many commentators,
forcing the
campaign to stare
down a rare surge
of criticism and
clarify the
remarks.
The incident
served to show how
the media
landscape is
changing for Obama.
At another rally,
in Dallas, Obama
paused to blow his
nose and received
a round of cheers.
That prompted
withering
headlines, too.
'Even blowing his
nose, Obama gets
applause,'
snickered the
Chicago Tribune, a
newspaper from
Obama's adopted
hometown.
All over
America, reporting
teams are now
investigating
Obama's record,
matching the
long-term efforts
of Clinton
'opposition
research' workers.
'Right now, there
are people digging
all over. I have
no doubt about
it,' Lule said.
However, the
key question is
whether there is
anything to find.
So far, little
that is
dramatically new
and damaging has
emerged. The New
York Times
researched an
article on Obama's
self-confessed
drug use while he
was at college,
but the story,
when published,
actually appeared
to find less
evidence of drug
use than the
candidate had
already admitted
to in his
autobiography.
The second
vital area is that
time is growing
short for the
dynamic of the
campaign to shift.
Attention is now
firmly focused on
4 March, when
Texas and Ohio -
both rich in
delegates - go the
polls. Clinton's
campaign admits
that she needs to
win both. At the
moment, she is
narrowly ahead in
both races. But
Obama's support
tends to surge as
election day
nears. In short,
Clinton needs an
Obama gaffe or a
hitherto unknown
scandal. 'The real
thing here is
whether the press
can get at Obama
in time to change
things. Will that
dynamic shift come
before he gets the
nomination or
afterwards, when
it will be too
late for Clinton?'
said Professor
Covington.
Certainly
Clinton's camp is
revving up and
preparing for a
last-ditch fight.
She has sharpened
up her message,
portraying Obama
and his campaign
as naive and
idealistic,
telling rallies of
supporters that:
'It is time to get
real.'
At the same
time, a group of
Clinton supporters
is seeking to
bypass campaign
finance laws and
set up a group
called the
American
Leadership
Project. Because
the group is not
officially linked
to the campaign,
it can take in
large donations
from wealthy
individuals. It is
aiming to raise
$10m and its
adverts will start
to air in Ohio and
Texas tomorrow.
The move has
outraged Obama
campaign
officials, who
have compared it
to the Swift Boat
group that
campaigned against
John Kerry in
2004's
presidential race.
David Plouffe,
Obama's campaign
manager, said: 'We
are tired of swift
boat-style groups
and of smear
campaigns.'
Such tactics
also cannot hide
the fact that the
Clinton camp is in
deep trouble. Much
of the top
leadership still
remains deeply
split over the
right tactics in
the final days
before Texas and
Ohio go to the
polls. Even after
a leadership
shake-up, the
campaign is
divided into
supporters of
pollster Mark
Penn, who favour
continuing to
emphasise
Clinton's
experience, and
others who want a
new aggressive
campaign. The
latter are centred
on Ickes, a
strategist
notorious for his
pugilistic
attitudes. It was
a split that was
evident in last
Thursday's debate,
where Clinton made
a few pointed jabs
at Obama, but
declined several
opportunities to
attack him
outright.
At the same
time, the campaign
is losing the
financial battle.
Figures released
last week show a
massive mis-spend
of money,
including millions
of dollars to its
own campaign
pollsters and
media experts. A
list of debts and
bills include
thousands of
dollars spent on
luxury hotels in
Las Vegas, almost
$100,000 on
catering from an
Iowa supermarket
and $11,000 on
pizza. By
contrast, Obama's
top staffers, who
are in charge of
what is now the
frontrunning
campaign, are paid
much less than
Clinton's
operatives and the
campaign is awash
in cash.
But many
experts believe
Clinton should not
be written off.
'She is behind.
There is no
question of that.
But she can still
win it,' said
Covington. Yet now
her last best
chance may rely on
the hunger in the
media for a fresh
way of writing
about the
campaign, seeking
to cast Clinton as
the 'come from
behind' underdog.
It worked in New
Hampshire, where
she confounded the
pollsters with an
unexpected win.
Now she needs to
do it again.
|