The killings began before dawn. Men armed with
automatic rifles walked through the hillside slum of
Grand Ravine, warning of a fire and yelling for
residents to come out of their cinder-block and
sheet-metal shacks. Those who obeyed were gunned
down.
Several hours later, Haitian morgue workers and
UN peacekeepers from Sri Lanka piled bodies in one
of the slum's main thoroughfares, a rocky stream bed
at the bottom of the ravine after which the
neighbourhood is named. The body count totalled 21,
including three women and four children. Most of the
victims were killed with a bullet to the head.
Yves Jean-Philippe, a 56-year-old street vendor, was
found in a dirt courtyard, his eye socket ripped
apart by a bullet. Alnosia Desir, wife of a
Christian pastor, was shot in the mouth and throat
in her bedroom. The body of Jean Willerme Sanon, 12,
lay face down on a twisting pathway, his head split
in half.
'What is shocking is that all victims appear to
have been innocents. We're talking about women and
little children - these were no bandits,' said Jean
Gabriel Ambrose, the Port-au-Prince JP whose job is
to verify the names and ages of victims of violent
crimes, along with the cause of death, before the
bodies are taken to the morgue.
The massacre was as unexpected as it was
gruesome. For several weeks, rival gangs had
exchanged fire in a turf war over control of the
slum. But the massacre that took place last Friday
was so arbitrary - family members, neighbours, human
rights observers and police all agree the victims
were not gang members - that UN and Haitian
officials believe it may have been in part an
attempt to destabilise the newly elected government
of President Rene Preval.
'I don't believe it was a spontaneous attack,'
said Desmond Molloy, who heads the UN's disarmament,
demobilisation and re-integration programme in
Haiti. 'This massacre creates an atmosphere of fear
and, when people are afraid, it's very hard to
establish any degree of stability.'
The killings in Grand Ravine have shattered five
months of relative peace that had followed Preval's
landslide victory on 7 February. The election marked
the first sign of improvement after two years of
severe crisis and violence that followed US Marines
whisking former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide
into exile in February 2004.
Preval came to power supported by many members of
Haiti's tiny but powerful elite. The daily
firefights between UN peacekeepers and armed groups
loyal to Aristide in the sprawling slum of Cite
Soleil stopped, and a surge in kidnappings that had
panicked foreigners and Haiti's small number of
middle and upper classes abated.
In Grand Ravine and the neighbouring slum of
Martissant, opposing gangs made peace during a 19
March football match sponsored by the UN. But the
truce did not last long. 'In recent weeks, we'd been
aware of a heightening of tensions among the gangs
along political and territorial lines,' said Molloy.
On one side was a gang based in Grand Ravine
associated with Aristide's Lavalas party. On the
other were two allied gangs in neighbouring slums,
one based in an area called Ti Bwa, while the second
was opposed to Aristide and called the Little
Machete Army. The latter earned its name at another
football match in Martissant in August 2005 that
ended in bloodshed when police officers began
shooting in the stadium and the machete-wielding
gang hacked to death the fleeing spectators.
Both residents of Grand Ravine and Haitian
government officials blame the Little Machete Army
and the Ti Bwa gang for the massacre last Friday.
What remains a mystery is what provoked these gangs
to murder more than 20 innocent people.
Haitian police chief Mario Andresol suspects the
attack is related to the killings at last year's
football match, which appeared to be a joint effort
by the Little Machete Army, backed by rogue police
officers, to eliminate the Grand Ravine gang.
Andresol arrested 15 police officers for their
alleged participation in the stadium killings, but
the judge handling the case has since released most
of them, including two senior officers, Renan
Etienne and Carlo Lochard.
Some residents of Grand Ravine accuse Lochard of
reuniting with the Machete Army since his release.
'The same police officers who made the alliance with
the Machete Army are the ones who helped commit the
massacre,' said Joseph Albert, an unemployed
resident of Grand Ravine. 'Lochard has given them
guns and money.'
Andresol was confirmed by the senate to continue
his term as police chief the day before the massacre
occurred, leading some observers to speculate that
the killings represented a warning to him.
Since the massacre, Sri Lankan peacekeepers have
so far managed to ward off more violence. But
dozens, perhaps hundreds, of the area's poor
residents have fled anyway.
The UN and Haitian police have launched an
investigation into the massacre, but hopes of
identifying those who pulled the trigger, not to
mention those who provided the guns, remain dim.
'This is my 13th conflict, and it's been the
toughest one to find out what's really going on,'
said Molloy, a former Irish army officer who headed
the UN's disarmament programme in Sierra Leone
before coming to Haiti in 2004. 'It's very difficult
to nail down the motives behind actions in Haiti and
there's often a mix of political, economic and
territorial motives at play.'